Hong Kong - The Double Edged Sword:
Military Asset to the PLA or a Liability?
Joe Varner
On June 30th, 1997, Hong Kong received 10,000 visitors
from the mainland in the form of the Chinese People's Liberation
Army (PLA). The arrival of the PLA was seen by some Chinese
as the vindication of the Chinese people after the their defeat in the
Opium War. It was also seen as another step in the reunification
of China: one of the most constant national security objectives of
the People's Republic. Observers on military affairs are asking
what the possession of Hong Kong means to the PLA. The answer
seems to have all the characteristics of a double edged sword with
both advantages and disadvantages.
Without question, possession of Hong Kong offers China
and the PLA a remarkable logistics base for operations. With the
acquisition of Hong Kong the PLA received one of the most
operationally efficient ports in the world, and an excellent naval
base. The port facilities are expanding rapidly every month
according to officials in the Department of Foreign Affairs. Plans
for the "Self Governing Region of Hong Kong" also include the
development of a new airport considered to be one of the most
modern in the world.
If the PLA naval forces need a new anchorage for its fleet,
it would find Hong Kong of great benefit, particularly, if China
acquired aircraft carriers. Many analysts believe the PLA wants a
blue water fleet, and aircraft carriers would be a necessity in
achieving that goal. Indeed, China purchased the rights to
manufacture the naval variant of the SU-27 from Russia, and this
may be the first step in carrier acquisition. Hong Kong as a base
for a blue water navy would allow China to project power out into
the Central Pacific. Additionally, for the British, Hong Kong was
the first line of defence in Asia for Singapore, India, and
Australia. In an article in the 9 September, 1996, issue of
Defense News, an un-named British Diplomat
suggested Hong Kong may well be the PLA's jump-off point for
the South East Asia region, and the Indian Ocean. Many analysts
would suggest that Hong Kong is too open for a military logistics
base, and any Chinese military build-up would lack the element of
surprise. In a world of satellite surveillance, the issue may soon be
rendered largely irrelevant. Thus, Hong Kong may well be a
significant strategic asset for the PLA, which it could use to its
future advantage.
The other clear advantage of Hong Kong to the PLA would
be as a new market ground and base of operations for PLA
controlled business operations. According to Intelligence
Digest, the PLA is believe to support 25 percent of their
operations through business ventures. In the area just outside of the
Self Governing Region of Hong Kong are some 1000 PLA
controlled business. Hong Kong has long been a key Asian
business centre, and for the PLA, may represent a new avenue to
gain revenues for a ever modernizing Chinese military machine.
It would be very surprising, if COSCO, a PLA controlled shipping
fleet, did not start to increase its operations out of Hong Kong.
The port facilities at Hong Kong are exceptional and would
certainly be a good base of operations for COSCO. It seems that
the PLA may gain considerable economic benefit from Hong Kong
in addition to its strategic value.
The down-side for the PLA is the capitalist, and democratic
nature of Hong Kong. It has long been the springboard for Chinese
democracy movements that threatens the Communist Party's grasp
on power in China, and Hong Kong's economic strength is well
known. Indeed half of China's military support to control Hong
Kong will be centred just outside of the Self Governing Region in
Shen Zhen. Those PLA units now stationed in Hong Kong are
quartered behind barbed wire, and they are not allowed to even go
on leave in the region. This is almost certainly due to Communist
Party fears that exposure to the Hong Kong culture will lead to a
democratization of PLA units and questions of loyalty. Indeed
Hong Kong may serve as a force that spreads democratic ideas and
views throughout the PLA just as Napoleon's Grand Armee spread
revolutionary ideas throughout Europe. This is the "double edge"
of the Hong Kong sword for the PLA and a decided threatening
disadvantage.
In the end only time will tell what value Hong Kong will
represent in PLA hands, but one thing is for certain. The PLA
itself is facing change due to Hong Kong's reunification with the
mainland, and Hong Kong will shape the PLA's future.
Joe Varner is a military analyst presently
working as an Intern for Maritime Affairs and conducting a
major study of maritime security issues in the Asia-Pacific
region.
Editorial Note
The significance of the Chinese shipping conglomerate the
China Ocean Shipping Company (COSCO) should not be
underestimated. Not only its size with some 600 ships in operation,
but also its very controversial business links within the Americas
make it an organization worth watching. Among the issues of
concern are the lease of facilities in Long Beach, CA, which some
analysts say amounts to a give away because the annual fee will
never cover the renovation costs incurred by the Americans.
Another issue is the US subsidization of a COSTCO subsidiary to
build ships in a Mobile, Alabama, shipyard. An yet another
contentious issue is the leasing of port facilities in the Panama
Canal Zone. Although all these innovations have short-term
employment benefits for the area concerned, they also help
entrench COSCO as a very substantial and heavily subsidized
shipper in an already strained market. Although all the strategic
implications of COSCO's expansion are not immediately clear, a
few things stands out. One of these is the growing maritime power
of China. Not only is economic terms but also in military potential.
The quiet but steady growth of the PLA(N) from an essential coast
defence navy to one now capable of limited regional sea control
should not be overlooked. China has become an important part of
the Asia-Pacific maritime security equation.
© Copyright NOAC 1998